Description
Drawing from your reading on the Social Construction of Beauty, what amused you, surprised you, or disturbed you? How does this compare to your previous understanding of Asian/Asian American women? Your answers should be between 500-600 words. Don’t forget to include a creative title. Please see attached
Unformatted Attachment Preview
Research Article
Asian American Women’s Body
Image Experiences: A Qualitative
Intersectionality Study
Psychology of Women Quarterly
2017, Vol. 41(4) 479-496
ª The Author(s) 2017
Reprints and permission:
sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/0361684317725311
journals.sagepub.com/home/pwq
Jennifer L. Brady1, Aylin Kaya1, Derek Iwamoto1, Athena Park1,
Lauren Fox2, and Marcus Moorhead3
Abstract
The purpose of our study was to explore Asian American women’s body image experiences from an intersectional framework. Utilizing grounded theory methodology, we sought to understand how gender and race intersect with unique
experiences of oppression to contribute to body dissatisfaction among Asian American women. Twenty Asian American
undergraduate women born in the United States participated in semi-structured interviews. The core category “body image”
was composed of attitudes and perceptions about body weight, shape, and size; facial features (e.g., eye size); and skin
complexion or tone. Five categories emerged that informed the body image experiences of Asian American women: (1)
navigating cultural beauty norms, (2) experiences of sexism and racism, (3) parental influences, (4) peer influences, and (5)
identity management processes. Each of these categories appeared to have both positive and negative consequences
for appearance evaluation, ranging from self-consciousness to confidence. Participants also described coping strategies for
managing these experiences. We encourage psychologists and clinicians to consider culture-specific beauty standards for
Asian American women as well as salient racial and cultural factors (e.g., perceived discrimination and biculturative stress) that
may influence body image beliefs. Our results offer a new model for understanding Asian American women’s body dissatisfaction as rooted in experiences of racism and sexism. Online slides for instructors who want to use this article for teaching are
available on PWQ’s website at http://journals.sagepub.com/page/pwq/suppl/index
Keywords
Asian American women, body image, intersectionality, qualitative
Body dissatisfaction, or the negative evaluation of one’s physical
body (Stice & Shaw, 2002), is a serious public health concern that
intensifies risk for a number of other negative health outcomes,
including depression (Johnson & Wardle, 2005), low self-esteem
(Koff, Benavage, & Wong, 2001), and substance abuse (Wilson,
2000). Despite the well-documented harmfulness of body dissatisfaction for all women, most models of body dissatisfaction
have been tested with White women or draw on comparisons
between White women and women of color (Bordo, 2009). This
is highly problematic because it obscures the complexity of
women’s experiences by positioning White women as the
“norm,” which in turn underemphasizes racially salient features
and distinct experiences for marginalized groups (Cummins &
Lehman, 2007). Although some research in the past decade has
challenged the cultural-boundedness of body dissatisfaction
(Cummins, Simmons, & Zane, 2005; Lau, Lum, Chronister, &
Forrest, 2006), Asian American women are underrepresented.
The current study sought to extend the research literature by
qualitatively exploring the experiences of oppression at the intersections of gender and race, and the forms of resilience that
influence body image among Asian American women.
Body Dissatisfaction Among Asian American Women
Research investigating the prevalence of body dissatisfaction
among Asian American women has yielded contradictory
findings. Some studies suggest that White, Asian, Hispanic,
and Black women experience similar levels of body dissatisfaction (Cachelin, Veisel, Barzegarnazari, & Striegel-Moore,
2000; Grabe & Hyde, 2006) and that Asian American
women, compared to White and Hispanic American women,
are more likely to be dissatisfied with specific body parts,
including breast size (Forbes & Frederick, 2008) and eye
appearance (Frederick, Kelly, Latner, Sandhu, & Tsong,
1
Department of Psychology, University of Maryland, College Park, MD, USA
Department of Psychology, University of Tennessee, Knoxville, TN, USA
3
Department of Rehabilitation Science and Technology Programs, University
of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA, USA
2
Corresponding Author:
Jennifer L. Brady, Department of Psychology, University of Maryland, College
Park, MD 20742, USA.
Email: [email protected]
480
2016). Other studies suggest Asian American women actually
have thinner body ideals than White women (Barnett, Keel, &
Conoscenti, 2001), yet other studies purport that Asian American women experience less body dissatisfaction than White
women (Nouri, Hill, & Orrell-Valente, 2011). On the whole,
these findings suggest that Asian American women experience somewhat similar or elevated levels of dissatisfaction
compared to other racial groups, suggesting the need for
greater understanding of cultural factors that predispose risk
(Cheng, 2014; Smart, Tsong, Mejia, Hayashino, & Braaten,
2011; Tsong & Smart, 2015).
Cultural and Racial Influences of Body Dissatisfaction
One prominent cultural factor that has been studied in relation to body dissatisfaction among Asian American women is
ethnic identity. Some studies suggest that ethnic identity can
be a direct or interactive protective factor against eating concerns by facilitating a positive sense of self and identity and
discouraging adoption of Western beauty ideals (Rakhkovskaya & Warren, 2014). Yet, other research suggests ethnic
identity intensifies the relation between pressure for thinness
and body preoccupation (Phan & Tylka, 2006) and is positively associated with a drive for thinness (Sabik, Cole, &
Ward, 2010) and disordered eating (Tsai, Curbow, & Heinberg, 2003). It is possible that women with stronger ethnic
identification may compare their bodies to other Asian peers,
who are often physically petite (Smart & Tsong, 2014; Tsai
et al., 2003). Feeling overweight compared to other Asian
women, coupled with cultural expectations to be dainty, slim,
and feminine (Wardle, Haase, & Steptoe, 2006), may contribute to even stricter standards of thinness and may facilitate unhealthy attempts to lose weight. Given that other
studies have found no direct association between ethnic identity and eating disorders (Cheng, 2014; Iyer & Haslam, 2003),
it is essential to clarify the nature of these relations.
Acculturation is another salient predictor of body dissatisfaction among Asian American women. There is some consensus that acculturation can result in a double-bind for Asian
American women, where adherence to either U.S. or traditional cultural values can confer risk for body image concerns. Some researchers suggest assimilation can intensify
body surveillance and awareness of racialized features that
may be considered non-normative or unattractive (Cummins
& Lehman, 2007). Other research suggests that the retention
of traditional cultural beauty norms within more patriarchal
societies can increase pressures to appear thin, modest, and
attractive (Smart & Tsong, 2014). Although some studies
found no evidence supporting these relations among diverse
ethnic groups (Reddy & Crowther, 2007), others found that
stronger adherence to Asian values, and in turn lower acculturation, was more predictive of greater overall body dissatisfaction (Lau et al., 2006). Adding to the complexity, Tsong
and Smart (2015) found that body dissatisfaction might be
related to cultural conflict, or biculturative stress, suggesting
Psychology of Women Quarterly 41(4)
that Westernization or traditional cultural beliefs alone may
not confer risk. The collective research on ethnic identity,
acculturation, and body dissatisfaction among Asian American women has provided equivocal findings. Investigating
other meaningful contextual factors, including racism, could
potentially yield a more comprehensive and nuanced understanding of risk factors for this group.
Asian American women have a unique racialized experience that may contribute to higher body dissatisfaction. They
are often exoticized, depicted as hypersexual and submissive
sexual objects, and are targets of race-related-teasing that
marginalizes and denigrates race-related features (e.g., eye
size, skin tone). Research suggests that frequency and exposure to race-related or ethnic teasing intensified body shape
concern and maladaptive eating attitudes (Cummins & Lehman, 2007; Iyer & Haslam, 2003; Reddy & Crowther, 2007).
In addition, perceived discrimination has been associated
with greater endorsement of media beauty ideals and body
dissatisfaction (Cheng, 2014). Given the abundance of
research documenting the deleterious effects of racial discrimination on Asian American’s mental health (Lee & Ahn,
2011), it is essential to better understand how various oppressive experiences may relate to body dissatisfaction among
this marginalized group. We reasoned that an intersectional
theoretical lens would assist in understanding how body dissatisfaction among Asian American women is embedded
within interlocking systems of oppression (e.g., gender, race,
and class).
Intersectionality: A Recommended
Theoretical Approach
Intersectionality approaches, particularly within feminist perspectives, have been praised for their ability to provide new
answers to long-standing questions in psychology (ElseQuest & Hyde, 2016). Intersectionality attends to the meaning and experiences embedded within multiple categories of
identity, difference, and inequality and recognizes that such
social categories are inextricably interconnected or intertwined (Cole, 2009; Shields, 2008; Warner, 2008). An intersectional perspective emphasizes both the shared experiences
and differences among group members and the fluidity of the
social categories, with some identities emerging more prominently in certain contexts than others (Cole, 2009). It also
emphasizes dimensions of power and oppression and how
these forces are embedded within, or perpetuated by, membership in multiple social categories (Else-Quest & Hyde,
2016; Shields, 2008). Within the body image literature, most
of researchers of Asian American women’s body image
experiences neglect to investigate how race and gender intersect and inform one another, such that the experience of one
identity (e.g., gender) is shaped by the contextual experiences
created by the other (e.g., race). We sought to understand
women’s occupation of multiple social categories and the
salience of these categories in different social contexts in
Brady et al.
influencing how women perceive their bodies and how they
perceive that their bodies are externally evaluated. Given
gender and race are highly visible social identities, others are
likely to categorize and stereotype Asian American women
based on their membership in these groups (Lott & Saxon,
2002). It is thus critical to understand the compounded effects
of racism and sexism to better understand within-group variability in body image experiences among Asian American
women. A qualitative approach offers an ideal way to explore
women’s distinct experiences and racially salient body image
beliefs that are often not captured in present body image
measures.
Present Study
Using an intersectional framework, we sought to qualitatively
explore the body image experiences of undergraduate U.S.born Asian American women. Evidence suggests that
college-aged women experience disproportionately higher
rates of body image discontent (Britton, Martz, Bazzini, Curtin, & LeaShomb, 2006) and that U.S.-born Asian American
women may exhibit heightened levels of body image concern
due to biculturative stress (Tsong & Smart, 2015). Asian
American women may experience distinct racial discrimination (i.e., “yellow fever” or the fetishization of Asian
women’s bodies) and must contend with criticism and pressure from multiple cultures with potentially incongruent values (Smart et al., 2011). Women born in the United States
may also experience greater family conflict, particularly in
navigating differences in acculturation and cultural expectations in their families (Castillo, Zahn, & Cano, 2012). As
current literature lacks an inclusive model to understand the
etiology of body dissatisfaction for Asian American women,
we sought to develop a new model through grounded theory
methodology (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). This study explored
the following research questions through semi-structured
interviews: (a) How do Asian American women perceive
their bodies? (b) How are Asian American women’s body
image beliefs influenced by their gender and race? and (c)
How do Asian American women manage their body image
beliefs in contexts of power, inequality, and privilege?
Method
Participants
Twenty women who identified as Asian or Asian American
from a large Mid-Atlantic university were invited to participate using criterion-based sampling to identify informationrich cases (Patton, 2002). Any participant who met the
following inclusion criteria at the time of the interview was
invited to participate: (a) self-identified as an Asian or Asian
American woman, (b) currently a full-time student, (c) aged
17–25 years, and (d) born in the U.S. Participants ranged in
age from 18 to 22 years (mean age ¼ 19.35) and represented a
variety of ethnicities: Chinese (n ¼ 6), Korean (n ¼ 3), Indian
481
(n ¼ 2), Bengali (n ¼ 1), Vietnamese (n ¼ 1), and Pakistani
(n ¼ 1). Six women reported mixed racial and ethnic backgrounds and were included because they self-identified as
Asian American (see Table 1 for more detailed information).
Research Team
Consistent with constructivist qualitative research paradigms
(Morrow, 2005), it is important to acknowledge the positioning of the researcher as a co-constructor of meaning who is
biased in her interpretations and assumptions of the data. The
first author, a White female doctoral student in a counseling
psychology program, was responsible for recruiting, scheduling, interviewing participants, transcribing, analyzing, and
finalizing the major themes and story-line. She has prior clinical experience working with body image concerns among
young adults as well as experience conducting qualitative
research. The second author, a first-generation TurkishAmerican female doctoral student in a counseling psychology
program, was responsible for interviewing participants,
transcribing, and analyzing the data. Both she and the first
author have experience identifying sociocultural risk and
resiliency factors that influence health outcomes among
Asian American women. The third author, a fourthgeneration Japanese American male professor, has expertise
in examining health disparities among Asian American
populations. He acted as an expert auditor and helped
inform category development. The other three members
of the research team, a second-generation Korean American
female, a biracial female graduate student of African American and White descent, and a male undergraduate student
identifying as Caribbean American, assisted in transcription
and data analysis.
Given the first and second authors do not self-identify as
Asian American and were responsible for overseeing data
analysis, we sought to discuss our biases and assumptions
and understand how our identities and counseling training
may influence our interpretations. We expected that a majority, but not all, of the Asian American women would experience some dissatisfaction with their bodies. In addition, we
believed women would receive conflicting messages about
what is attractive depending on the social context, such as
being around a White male versus an ethnically similar
female. We expected there to be differences between global
body dissatisfaction and state-like body discontent. Last, in
congruence with feminist core values (White, Russo, & Travis, 2001), we expected women to exhibit a number of
strengths, such as racial pride, that could mitigate body
dissatisfaction.
Semi-Structured Interview Procedure
This study was approved by a University Institutional Review
Board prior to data collection. Participants were recruited via
flyers distributed in academic buildings and dormitories and
482
Psychology of Women Quarterly 41(4)
Table 1. Participant Demographic Information.
Pseudonym Ethnicity
Chloe
Jenny
Shabani
Lin
Yun
Nancy
Connie
Esther
Sana
Chrissie
Generational
Status
Age BIR Liked Features
Disliked Features
Stomach, weight
Stomach, acne
Stomach, weight
Stomach, weight, lack muscles
Stomach, eyebrows, eyes
Calves, legs, shortness
Stomach, fatness in legs, nose
Face shape, weight, eye color
Breast size, lack of curves
Thighs, weight, acne
2.5
2.5
2.0
2.0
2.0
2.0
2.0
2.0
2.0
2.0
19
18
21
20
18
20
20
18
19
19
6.5
7
6.5
6
6
7.5
6
7
8.5
4
Jamie
Jacqueline
Grace
½ Chinese ½ Laotian
½ Korean ½ White
Indian
Chinese
Chinese
Chinese
Chinese
Korean
Pakistani
½ Singaporean ½
Taiwanese
Korean
Vietnamese
Korean
Eyes, hair
Hair, height, leanness
Hips
Eyes, eyebrows, hair
Hair, having curves
Eyes, smaller frame
Lips, face, hands, curves
Stomach, skinny
Hair, weight
Hair
2.0
2.0
2.0
20
21
19
6.5 Lips
3.5 Legs, height, flawless skin
4.5 Calves, smiley eyes
Adeline
Chinese
2.0
20
6.5 High-cheek bones
Min
Sunita
½ Chinese ½ Burmese
½ Indian ½White
2.0
2.5
20
18
8 Eyes, curves
7.5 Legs, all parts
Indra
Arpana
Indian
Bengali
2.0
2.0
22
19
Elaine
Fatima
Chinese
¼ White ¼ African
American ½ Pakistani
2.0
3.0
18
18
8.5 Waist, skinny, light skin tone
2 Lips, skin tone, face shape,
body proportions
5.5 Eyes, legs
7.5 Eyes, feet
Skin, shortness
Stomach, body hair, breast size
Stomach, short torso, breast
size, height
Stomach, height, eye-size,
weight, acne
Nose, acne, height
Feet, flat butt, body hair, lack of
muscles
Love handles, breasts
Weight, body hair, acne, height,
feet
Small breasts, lack of curves, eyes
Back, small butt, acne
Note. BIR ¼ body image rating. BIR was a self-identified score out of 10, with 1 representing strong dissatisfaction and 10 representing strong satisfaction.
Generational status: 2.0 ¼ both parents foreign-born, 2.5 ¼ one U.S.-born parent and one foreign-born parent, 3.0 ¼ both parents U.S.-born.
through a university psychology research participation system. All interested participants had to be full-time students
enrolled in at least one eligible psychology course in order to
be compensated one extra credit point. Recruitment materials
stated the purpose of the study was to explore body image
experiences in the context of Asian American women’s intersecting identities. If the participant met the study’s criteria
and elected to participate, they took a brief pre-screening
instrument through the psychology-based research participation system that inquired about their demographics and featured three questions about body image: (a) How would you
rate your overall body image satisfaction (0–100)? (b) What
is one part of your body that you like? and (c) What is one
part of your body that you do not like? Answers to these
questions were incorporated later into the in-person interview
to make it more personalized.
The research team created the interview questions (see
Appendix). The semi-structured interview questions were
constructed using a feminist lens (White et al., 2001) to
engage the participants in a shared and collaborative dialogue
about their body image experiences, cultural beauty norms,
and body image comparison processes. The interviewers
encouraged flexibility and spontaneity in responses; the
researchers allowed the participants to select their own wording so their subjective body image experiences could naturally emerge. The questions were continuously readjusted to
reflect relevant and meaningful topics for each woman (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). For example, after the first few interviews, data emerged regarding cultural norms of modesty and
how body image beliefs were contingent upon identifying
with particular beauty norms. We added questions to explore
how current likes and dislikes of the body were connected to
cultural beauty norms and comparison processes. Additional
questions and prompts were also used when participants disclosed experiences of racism. All interviews were recorded
using a secure audio recording device and transcribed verbatim. To protect the participant’s confidentiality, any identifying information about the women, or other individuals
disclosed during the interviews, was deleted from the transcript. Interviews lasted between 45 and 60 minutes and were
conducted between November 2015 and May 2016.
Grounded Theory Analysis
Grounded theory offers a process for exploring the subjective
experiences of participants to facilitate the generation of a
Brady et al.
new theory or framework (Charmaz, 2006; Glaser & Straus,
1967). An inductive constructivist approach assumes previous theories tested with other women of color and White
women may not apply. Grounded theory acknowledges
women as the true experts of their experiences (Charmaz,
2006) and allows for the coexistence of multiple realities and
an understanding of how power dynamics interact in various
social and historical arenas.
Data analysis was conducted with the grounded theory
methods outlined by Glaser and Straus (1967). In the first
step of the analysis, all members of the research team individually read each interview transcript and thoughtfully
recorded interpretative notes that influenced their understanding of the data. Two smaller coding teams, composed
of two researchers and the first author, subsequently met
biweekly to investigate the complexities and nuances of participant experiences. These smaller coding meetings encouraged more active participation among all members and
improved decision-making quality.
Each coding team coded half of the transcripts for the
first stage of analysis. The members of the research team
first conducted open coding and divided the data line-byline into segments based upon the phenomenon being
investigated. More concise statements were developed
collaboratively in coding meetings where members of the
research team examined patterns, implicit meanings, and differences in the codes. Following intensive open coding over
the course of many months, the research team engaged in axial
coding in which the aforementioned line-by-line codes were
expanded into broader categorical themes based on their perceived similarities and shared meaning. At this stage of analysis, theoretical connections across transcripts were beginning
to develop and the first author constructed multiple visual
depictions of the data to underscore the associations among
the themes. Last, through selective coding, higher-level themes
were developed by the first author and verified by the expert
auditor and coding teams, in a way that articulated a coherent
understanding of the phenomenon of interest. The researchers
used a constant comparative method in which they continuously modified categories and coding schema based upon
new information. This iterative process occurred until thematic internal homogeneity and external heterogeneity
were reached. Data saturation was determined through the
use of discriminant sampling by interviewing four women
after the initial development of the model to verify the
connections among the categories and the story-line (Creswell, 2013). After 20 interviews, saturation was reached,
as evidenced by the redundancy in responses (Patton,
2002), and this sample size was considered acceptable for
a grounded theory study (Creswell, 2013).
Credibility Checks
We used multiple credibility checks to assess the thoroughness of the interviews and analysis process (Creswell, 2013).
483
First, all members of the research team kept detailed field
notes and reflexive journals that served as tools for active
engagement with personal biases, expectations, and assumptions. We then used these tools to facilitate open discussion
and acknowledge varying viewpoints during the coding meetings. We maintained an audit trail that described each step of
the research process throughout the project and was made
available to the expert auditor in an effort to review how
conclusions were reached. Second, consensus between members of the research team was reached during every coding
meeting and at every stage of analysis, thus ensuring that the
model is grounded in the experiences of the participants and
is not reflective of individual opinions or biases. Third, to
establish trustworthiness and rigor, an expert auditor verified
the accuracy of the thematic construction at multiple points
during the study. Fourth, participants were asked to share any
additional thoughts or reactions at the end of the interview.
This provided space to disclose any additional information
that was not discussed during the interview. Last, participants
were contacted a second time via email to discuss the emerging thematic constructions (Creswell, 2013; Lincoln &
Guba, 1985). Member checking served as an opportunity to
invite feedback about the developing coding domains and to
reaffirm that participants are the true experts of their experiences. Two women responded and they clarified the role of
modesty as related to covering up one’s body, suggested eating disorders are less talked about in Asian countries but not
less prevalent, and clarified that Asian beauty norms are more
selective and narrowly defined than beauty norms in the U.S.
Results
Five major categories emerged that informed body image: (a)
navigating cultural beauty norms, (b) experiences of sexism
and racism, (c) parental influences, (d) peer influences, and
(e) identity management processes. Each category is composed of multiple properties. The following sections describe
how Asian American women conceptualize body image, the
categories that appear to influence body image, the consequences of these categories on women’s appearance evaluation, and women’s sources of resiliency and coping strategies.
Core Concept: Body Image
All women described feelings (e.g., dissatisfaction), attitudes
(e.g., beliefs about attractiveness), and behaviors (e.g., exercise, make-up routines) related to their body image. Many
participants defined body image as both self-perceptions and
evaluations from others, particularly family members,
romantic partners, and peers, about their appearance, body
shape, or specific features. Women commonly described their
thoughts and feelings about their bodies based upon racialized features and stereotypes perpetuated by others (e.g.,
mono-lids, Asians as “doll-like”) and the media. Overall,
Asian American women described their body image
484
experiences in terms of (a) body structure, (b) facial features,
and (c) skin complexion or tone.
Body structure. All women discussed some degree of selfconsciousness, dissatisfaction, or self-criticism surrounding
their body weight, shape, and size. Many women commented
on their desire for a flatter, thinner stomach; longer and leaner
limbs; larger breasts; or slender overall physique. Most
women (n ¼ 14) expressed specific discontent with their
weight and fat distribution throughout their body, with many
women feeling overweight due to comparisons with slimmer
Asian peers. Shabani noted:
I am kind of self-conscious of my lankiness, or the overall fat
distribution of my body. I feel like it’s kind of weird sometimes.
There are just certain little things that I pick up on that I’m sure
no one else really notices . . . I am, like, jealous of people that are
completely comfortable in their own skin and in their bodies.
A few women (n ¼ 5) expressed satisfaction and appreciation
for their body structure yet many times this self-acceptance
was placed in a context of adherence to idealized cultural
beauty norms. Nancy and Indra shared their privileged role
of having a skinny frame, Jacqueline discussed the benefits of
being taller than her relatives, and Yun discussed possessing
more desirable curves than her other Asian peers.
Facial features. Many women (n ¼ 13) discussed a range of
feelings and beliefs about visible facial features, including
eye color, shape, or size; nose bridges; and eyebrows. Women
disclosed discontent with their “button nose” (Fatima), selfconsciousness about their lack of eyebrows (Yun), and desire
for dark hair to emphasize paleness (Connie). Most women
juxtaposed these features against White features, which were
often perceived as more desirable, privileged, or sought after.
A few women described how racialized features symbolize
racial hierarchies and oppression and how they feel uniquely
objectified. Min stated:
I think some ideals are kind of the same in the way that, like, I
think Asian women have a lot of problems with how they think
about their eyes, because people object them. So Asian women
always want to make their eyes bigger and their noses smaller.
Many women discussed the desirability of eye shape, size, or
color (n ¼ 10) and perceived bigger eyes (Esther) that were
double-lidded (Adeline) and light-colored (Fatima) as more
attractive.
Skin complexion or tone. Many women (n ¼ 13) commented
on their desire for a smooth, acne-free complexion and their
difficulty navigating disparate cultural beauty norms of
attractive skin color. Many of these women reported struggling to manage breakouts and felt more insecure when family members or peers pointed out these imperfections. Jenny
stated, “I feel like I put myself down a little, just because I
see flaws when I look in the mirror and, oh, I have scabs here
Psychology of Women Quarterly 41(4)
and I have a pimple here.” These women described flawless,
youthful, wrinkle-free skin as a desirable Eastern beauty
norm that was often associated with social class (e.g., financial resources to buy beauty products). Many women discussed possessing darker or tanner skin color than their
other Asian peers and how this is remarkably different from
Eastern beauty norms that emphasize fair skin. While
women often described a slew of products and practices they
could use to obtain lighter skin, many (n ¼ 9) reported
feeling satisfied with achieving a tanner complexion in part
as a way to assimilate to Western cultural beauty norms, as
noted by Arpana:
I think it’s different. A lot of my friends want to tan, they think
it’s cool to tan and like when I go home my mom is like, have you
been wearing sunscreen? Like here’s a hat, here’s sunglasses,
wear all of that.
In sum, women’s beliefs about their body structure, facial
features, and skin complexion were influenced by their
exposure to distinct contextual and interpersonal stressors.
Category 1: Navigating Cultural Beauty Norms
All participants devoted significant time to exploring cultural
messages that dictated standards of attractiveness. Women
discussed navigating (a) cultural differences in defining
attraction (n ¼ 11), (b) White beauty ideals (n ¼ 8), and (c)
biological limitations in attaining Eurocentric features (n ¼
12). Collectively, women were exposed to various cultural
beauty norms that influenced their likes and dislikes about
their bodies yet often these expectations of attractiveness
prized Eurocentric features and devalued Asian features.
Cultural differences in defining attraction. All women discussed their roles in actively negotiating and navigating multiple, and at times conflicting, standards of beauty. Almost all
women described a shared understanding of desirable Eastern
beauty norms; however, South Asian women described curvy
hips and minimal body hair as attractive features. These standards of beauty were often part-focused (e.g., fair skin, porcelain features, petite physique, and black thick hair) and
more narrowly defined compared to Western beauty norms,
which were perceived as more accepting of multiple images
of beauty. Five women described the sociopolitical and historical context that shaped this narrow conceptualization of
attraction by stating that appealing features were a way of
demonstrating social class and status, rather than mirroring
Western beauty ideals (e.g., fair skin). Min disclosed:
Certain things are kind of seen as Asian women trying to look
more Western. I think there definitely is sort of an ideal, especially that the pale skin, maybe, but I think people misconstrue
that a little bit because a lot of that is also from where you are
born in China and how you grew up. So women of mobility
wouldn’t have to go outside and they wouldn’t have to work in
Brady et al.
the fields. So they, like, they generally had a lot more paler skin,
which, like, also could have been a European influence but like a
lot of it is just your rank.
Other women reported feeling constricted and limited by
the pressure in Asian cultures to fit “one template of a
body,” as expressed by Connie. This senti
