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Alfredo Dagli Orti/The Art Archive at Art Resource, NY
Giotto di Bondone
The Lamentation, 1305
Era/Culture/Movement: Italian Renaissance
Medium: Fresco
Dimensions: 6′ 6.75″ × 6′ 0.75″
Location: Scrovegni Chapel, Padua, Italy
The artist effectively humanizes Christ
by depicting the dead body of Jesus
being mourned by his mother and
followers as an emotion-filled moment
in a naturalistic space.
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Project Part One Artifacts and Theme Selection Guidelines and Rubric
Project Part One Artifacts and Theme Selection
Guidelines and Rubric
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HUM 200 Project Part One Artifacts and Theme Selection
Guidelines and Rubric
Overview
Your first step in developing Project Part One for the course is to identify the two artifacts you want to compare and the theme that is common
to both artifacts. While you will analyze and compare these artifacts in Theme: Examining the Humanities, you want to make some initial
observations. In this step, explain how you see the theme expressed in both of your artifacts. Then, reflect on how the theme itself is connected
or relevant to you personally. For example, is this a theme you find particularly inspiring? Has this theme been particularly relevant to a past
experience?
Prompt
Choose two cultural artifacts to analyze. These artifacts may take the form of any artistic medium, such as literature, poetry, music, film, dance,
painting, and sculpture, and so on. However, it is important to choose two artifacts that have been created by different artists and were
created during different time periods (ex. separated by at least 50 years). Then, identify an initial theme (or themes) that is common to both of
your chosen artifacts. You will analyze these artifacts and their expression of the identified theme in Theme: Examining the Humanities and
Theme: Impact of the Humanities.
Specifically, the following critical elements must be addressed:
I. Describe the cultural artifacts that you have chosen. Consider questions such as these in your response: What is the name or title of the
artifact? Who is the author or artist? What is the date or time period when the artifact was created? What is the cultural location or
physical setting of the artifact? In addition, you could consider including a photograph or image of each cultural artifact, if they are visual
artifacts.
II. Identify at least one common theme that will serve as the framework of your exploration document. How is the theme expressed in your
artifacts?
III. Reflect on how the theme you identified is related to your personal experience
experience. For instance, you could discuss how the expression of the
theme in your cultural artifacts is connected to you personally.
What to Submit
Your artifacts and theme selection should adhere to the following formatting requirements: 1 to 2 pages in length, double-spaced, using 12point Times New Roman font and one-inch margins. You should use current APA style guidelines (or another format approved by your
instructor) for any potential citations or references.
Project Part One Artifacts and Theme Selection Rubric
Criteria
Proficient (100%)
Cultural
Artifacts
Describes two selected
cultural artifacts
Common Theme
Needs Improvement
(75%)
Not Evident (0%)
Value
Describes selected cultural
artifacts but with gaps in
detail or clarity, or does not
identify two artifacts
Does not describe selected
cultural artifacts
30
Identifies at least one
common theme to serve as
framework of exploration
document and initially
explains how theme is
expressed in artifacts
Identifies at least one
common theme to serve as
framework of exploration
document and initially
explains how theme is
expressed in artifacts but
with gaps in clarity or detail
Does not identify common
theme to serve as
framework of exploration
document
30
Personal
Experience
Reflects on how identified
theme is related to personal
experience
Reflects on how identified
theme is related to personal
experience but with gaps in
clarity or detail
Does not reflect on how
identified theme is related
to personal experience
30
Articulation of
Response
Submission has no major
errors related to citations,
grammar, spelling, syntax, or
organization
Submission has major errors
related to citations,
grammar, spelling, syntax, or
organization that negatively
impact readability and
articulation of main ideas
Submission has critical
errors related to citations,
grammar, spelling, syntax, or
organization that prevent
understanding of ideas
10
Total:
100%
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Appendix
Letter from Birmingham Jail
By Martin Luther King, Jr.
Appendix / Letter from Birmingham Jail
Letter from Birmingham Jail
By Martin Luther King, Jr.
16 April 1963
My Dear Fellow Clergymen:
While confined here in the Birmingham city jail, I came across your recent statement calling my present activities “unwise and untimely.” Seldom do I pause to answer criticism of my work and ideas. If I sought to answer all the criticisms that cross my desk, my
secretaries would have little time for anything other than such correspondence in the course of the day, and I would have no time for constructive work. But since I feel that you are men of genuine good will and that your criticisms are sincerely set forth, I want to
try to answer your statement in what I hope will be patient and reasonable terms.
I think I should indicate why I am here in Birmingham, since you have been influenced by the view which argues against “outsiders coming in.” I have the honor of serving as president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in
every southern state, with headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some eighty five affiliated organizations across the South, and one of them is the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. Frequently we share staff, educational and financial resources
with our affiliates. Several months ago the affiliate here in Birmingham asked us to be on call to engage in a nonviolent direct action program if such were deemed necessary. We readily consented, and when the hour came we lived up to our promise. So I, along
with several members of my staff, am here because I was invited here. I am here because I have organizational ties here.
But more basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. Just as the prophets of the eighth century B.C. left their villages and carried their “thus saith the Lord” far beyond the boundaries of their home towns, and just as the Apostle Paul left his village of
Tarsus and carried the gospel of Jesus Christ to the far corners of the Greco Roman world, so am I compelled to carry the gospel of freedom beyond my own home town. Like Paul, I must constantly respond to the Macedonian call for aid.
Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of
mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial “outside agitator” idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can never be considered an outsider
anywhere within its bounds.
You deplore the demonstrations taking place in Birmingham. But your statement, I am sorry to say, fails to express a similar concern for the conditions that brought about the demonstrations. I am sure that none of you would want to rest content with the superficial
kind of social analysis that deals merely with effects and does not grapple with underlying causes. It is unfortunate that demonstrations are taking place in Birmingham, but it is even more unfortunate that the city’s white power structure left the Negro community
with no alternative.
In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: collection of the facts to determine whether injustices exist; negotiation; self purification; and direct action. We have gone through all these steps in Birmingham. There can be no gainsaying the fact that racial
injustice engulfs this community. Birmingham is probably the most thoroughly segregated city in the United States. Its ugly record of brutality is widely known. Negroes have experienced grossly unjust treatment in the courts. There have been more unsolved
bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in any other city in the nation. These are the hard, brutal facts of the case. On the basis of these conditions, Negro leaders sought to negotiate with the city fathers. But the latter consistently refused to
engage in good faith negotiation.
Then, last September, came the opportunity to talk with leaders of Birmingham’s economic community. In the course of the negotiations, certain promises were made by the merchants—for example, to remove the stores’ humiliating racial signs. On the basis of
these promises, the Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth and the leaders of the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights agreed to a moratorium on all demonstrations. As the weeks and months went by, we realized that we were the victims of a broken promise. A
few signs, briefly removed, returned; the others remained. As in so many past experiences, our hopes had been blasted, and the shadow of deep disappointment settled upon us. We had no alternative except to prepare for direct action, whereby we would present our
very bodies as a means of laying our case before the conscience of the local and the national community. Mindful of the difficulties involved, we decided to undertake a process of self purification. We began a series of workshops on nonviolence, and we repeatedly
asked ourselves: “Are you able to accept blows without retaliating?” “Are you able to endure the ordeal of jail?” We decided to schedule our direct action program for the Easter season, realizing that except for Christmas, this is the main shopping period of the
year. Knowing that a strong economic-withdrawal program would be the by product of direct action, we felt that this would be the best time to bring pressure to bear on the merchants for the needed change.
Then it occurred to us that Birmingham’s mayoral election was coming up in March, and we speedily decided to postpone action until after election day. When we discovered that the Commissioner of Public Safety, Eugene “Bull” Connor, had piled up enough
votes to be in the run off, we decided again to postpone action until the day after the run off so that the demonstrations could not be used to cloud the issues. Like many others, we waited to see Mr. Connor defeated, and to this end we endured postponement after
postponement. Having aided in this community need, we felt that our direct action program could be delayed no longer.
You may well ask: “Why direct action? Why sit ins, marches and so forth? Isn’t negotiation a better path?” You are quite right in calling for negotiation. Indeed, this is the very purpose of direct action. Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster
such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored. My citing the creation of tension as part of the work of the nonviolent resister may sound
rather shocking. But I must confess that I am not afraid of the word “tension.” I have earnestly opposed violent tension, but there is a type of constructive, nonviolent tension which is necessary for growth. Just as Socrates felt that it was necessary to create a
tension in the mind so that individuals could rise from the bondage of myths and half truths to the unfettered realm of creative analysis and objective appraisal, so must we see the need for nonviolent gadflies to create the kind of tension in society that will help men
rise from the dark depths of prejudice and racism to the majestic heights of understanding and brotherhood. The purpose of our direct action program is to create a situation so crisis packed that it will inevitably open the door to negotiation. I therefore concur with
you in your call for negotiation. Too long has our beloved Southland been bogged down in a tragic effort to live in monologue rather than dialogue.
One of the basic points in your statement is that the action that I and my associates have taken in Birmingham is untimely. Some have asked: “Why didn’t you give the new city administration time to act?” The only answer that I can give to this query is that the
new Birmingham administration must be prodded about as much as the outgoing one, before it will act. We are sadly mistaken if we feel that the election of Albert Boutwell as mayor will bring the millennium to Birmingham. While Mr. Boutwell is a much more
gentle person than Mr. Connor, they are both segregationists, dedicated to maintenance of the status quo. I have hope that Mr. Boutwell will be reasonable enough to see the futility of massive resistance to desegregation. But he will not see this without pressure
from devotees of civil rights. My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain in civil rights without determined legal and nonviolent pressure. Lamentably, it is an historical fact that privileged groups seldom give up their privileges voluntarily.
Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture; but, as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups tend to be more immoral than individuals.
© 1963 Dr Martin Luther King Jr. © renewed 1991 Coretta Scott King
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