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I know that you are a Great tutor and that is why I personally invite you, but I still need to state this. I have never had a more strict professor when it comes to plagiarism, cheating, AI use, or anything of that matter. My teacher puts this through “turn it in” and she also just completed a course on detecting AI or chatbot, so she is expereinced in catching cheating. Please make sure this is 100 percent authentic. I Attatched PDF of the book that is the ONLY source that should be used for this assignment.
Instructions:
Please, analyze and quote the text of the novel only, as your primary source. Do not use any secondary sources or critical essays available online. The only source should be the novel.
Your essay should be 4 pages long and in MLA format.
Choose one of the following topics for your essay. Remember that you will have to focus the topic of your choice into your own, precise thesis. After your introductory paragraph, each body paragraph should focus on one major point in support of your thesis, and then analyze that point by offering evidence only from the text of Frankenstein –quotes and/or paraphrased evidence. Always aim for clarity and precision. Avoid over-generalized or generic statements, “universal truths” and plot summary. We all know the events in the novel. I am interested in your opinion, interpretation, and your ability to analyze Frankenstein, supported by the specific evidence that you consider important.
From My Professor:
“Remember that I always run the plagiarism check through Turnitin. Regardless of how pressured you might feel, I strongly urge you to refrain from any online borrowing of sources or writing chatbots. I have just completed a course on detecting chatbot writing and I will review each essay carefully. Do not rob your critical and analytical thinking by relying on other sources. Your honesty and creativity, based on the specifics of our class, are the most important tools for success. Focus on analysis and avoid any plot summary, repetitions or ’empty speech’ “.
CHOOSE ONE OF THE FOLLOWING 8 TOPICS TO WRITE YOUR ESSAY ON.
Is Frankenstein a condemnation of blind ambition and extreme pursuit of “scientific” achievement without regard for consequences and ethical implications? Victor Frankenstein’s own reflections on his career would seem to imply as much. Is he right? Is this what the author wants us to think? Include specific evidence from the novel.
Mary Shelley is careful to outline the progression of the Creature’s awareness, beginning with his earliest sense impressions. This progression seems to duplicate the stages of infant, child, and general human development. Does this account tell us anything important about what it means to be human? How does this relate to his journey from complete innocence to revenge and guilt? Include specific evidence from the novel.
How should we pursue knowledge according to Shelley? Include specific evidence from the novel.
Frankenstein may seem to endorse the common modem sociological premise that antisocial or criminal behavior is conditioned by rage, which in turn is induced by society’s rejection of its marginal members. Does the novel give clear support to this sociological premise? Remember to include specific evidence from the novel.
After Frankenstein’s decision not to create a female mate for the Creature, the latter vows to avenge himself on Frankenstein on his wedding day. Through all the long months during which Frankenstein broods over this threat, it never occurs to him that Elizabeth, and not he himself may be the intended victim. What do you make of his rather incredible lapse of imagination? What is wrong with Victor? Include specific evidence from the novel.
Do Victor and the Creature appear as doubles, two sides of the same mind? Does it seem that Victor, in some way, complies with the Creature’s acts of revenge? Include specific evidence from the novel.
Victor had many opportunities to organize the capture of the Creature and destroy him earlier to prevent more death around him. Why doesn’t he do that? Is he able to? Include specific evidence from the novel.
How do the notions of extreme enterprise, blind ambition, pursuit of power and fame, reflect some of the fundamental ideas within patriarchal structure, hierarchical social order and European views of the world in the 19th century, according to Frankenstein? Include specific evidence from the novel.
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A NORTON CRITICAL EDITION
Mary Shelley
FRANKENSTEIN
THE 1818 TEXT
CONTEXTS
CRITICISM
Second Edition
Edited by
J. PAUL HUNTER
UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO, EMERITUS
Contents
Cover
Title Page
The Editor
List of Illustrations
Introduction
The Text of Frankenstein
MAP: Geneva and Its Environs
Title page (1818)
Dedication (1818)
Preface
Frankenstein
Contexts
CIRCUMSTANCE, INFLUENCE, COMPOSITION, REVISION
Mary Shelley • Introduction to Frankenstein, Third Edition (1831)
John William Polidori • Letter Prefaced to The Vampyre (1819)
M. K. Joseph • The Composition of Frankenstein
Chris Baldick • [Assembling Frankenstein]
Richard Holmes • [Mary Shelley and the Power of Contemporary Science]
Christa Knellwolf and Jane Goodall • [The Significance of Place: Ingolstadt]
Charles E. Robinson • Texts in Search of an Editor: Reflections on The Frankenstein Notebooks
and on Editorial Authority
Anne K. Mellor • Choosing a Text of Frankenstein to Teach
RECEPTION, IMPACT, ADAPTATION
Percy Bysshe Shelley • On Frankenstein
[John Croker] • From the Quarterly Review (January 1818)
Sir Walter Scott • From Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine (March 1818)
Edinburgh Magazine • [On Frankenstein] (March 1818)
Gentleman’s Magazine • [On Frankenstein] (April 1818)
Knight’s Quarterly • [On Frankenstein] (August–November 1824)
Hugh Reginald Haweis • Introduction to the Routledge World Library Edition (1886)
Chris Baldick • [The Reception of Frankenstein]
William St. Clair • [Frankenstein’s Impact]
Susan Tyler Hitchcock • [The Monster Lives On]
Elizabeth Young • [Frankenstein as Historical Metaphor]
David Pirie • Approaches to Frankenstein [in Film]
SOURCES, INFLUENCES, ANALOGUES
The Book of Genesis • [Biblical Account of Creation]
John Milton • From Paradise Lost
Percy Bysshe Shelley • Mont Blanc (1816)
• [The Sea of Ice] (1817)
• Mutability
George Gordon, Lord Byron • Prometheus
• Darkness
• From Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage, Canto III (1816)
Charles Lamb • The Old Familiar Faces
Criticism
George Levine • Frankenstein and the Tradition of Realism
Ellen Moers • Female Gothic: The Monster’s Mother
Sandra M. Gilbert and Susan Gubar • Mary Shelley’s Monstrous Eve
Mary Poovey • “My Hideous Progeny”: The Lady and the Monster
Anne K. Mellor • Possessing Nature: The Female in Frankenstein
Peter Brooks • What Is a Monster? (According to Frankenstein)
Bette London • Mary Shelley, Frankenstein, and the Spectacle of Masculinity
Marilyn Butler • Frankenstein and Radical Science
Lawrence Lipking • Frankenstein, the True Story; or, Rousseau Judges Jean-Jacques
Garrett Stewart • In the Absence of Audience: Of Reading and Dread in Mary Shelley
James A. W. Heffernan • Looking at the Monster: Frankenstein and Film
Patrick Brantlinger • The Reading Monster
Jonathan Bate • [Frankenstein and the State of Nature]
Anne K. Mellor • Frankenstein, Racial Science, and the Yellow Peril
Jane Goodall • Electrical Romanticism
Christa Knellwolf • Geographic Boundaries and Inner Space: Frankenstein, Scientific Exploration,
and the Quest for the Absolute
Mary Shelley: A Chronology
Selected Bibliography
Copyright
W. W. NORTON & COMPANY, INC. Also Publishes
The Editor
J. PAUL HUNTER is Barbara E. and Richard J. Franke Professor Emeritus at
the University of Chicago. He is the author of The Reluctant Pilgrim: Defoe’s
Emblematic Method and Quest for Form in Robinson Crusoe; Occasional
Form: Henry Fielding and the Chains of Circumstance; and Before Novels:
The Cultural Contexts of Eighteenth-Century English Fiction. He is author of
the first nine editions of The Norton Introduction to Poetry and the long-time
co-editor of The Norton Introduction to Literature and New Worlds of
Literature.
Illustrations
MAP: Geneva and Its Environs
Title page (1818)
Dedication (1818)
The Brummagem Frankenstein (1866)
The Russian Frankenstein (1854)
“Our Frankenstein” (1900)
Film still from Young Frankenstein
1831 Frontispiece
Introduction
I
It is almost two hundred years since Frankenstein was first published, and it
has now become a standard text in the literary canon, one of the world’s most
popular, widely read, and celebrated novels. It is also one of the most
thoroughly studied and analyzed texts, making it ideal for the college or
university classroom in which critical reading, cultural analysis, or literary
history are at stake. Its history as a text is, however, more complicated than
most, in part because its central narrative of creative overreaching and bitter
disillusionment in a sense outgrew the novel itself and became a kind of
independent trope or “myth” that invaded other art forms—plays, cartoons,
advertisements, comic books, conversations, films. Frankenstein (the name)
became a kind of all-purpose watchword for creativity gone wrong and
monstrosity gone wild. Just about everyone, even people who do not read at
all, knows the basic plot situation and its grotesque outcome: an ambitious
and talented young scientist seeks and finds the secret of life itself, and he
creates from assorted excavated body parts a giant adult being who turns out
to be an ugly and savage (although sensitive) monster. And it is perhaps
significant that, as often as not, casual observers confuse the creator with the
created: in the novel, the scientist is named Frankenstein and his monster is
nameless, but in popular lore the creature often takes on the name of the
creator, as if there were no differences in the monstrosity of outcomes. In one
sense, then, the story of Frankenstein now transcends the novel it came from
—but only because its origins in the novel itself are so richly suggestive and
evocative of larger issues and so resonant about the ambition and fallings-
short of the human condition. Frankenstein is, in one way of putting it, larger
than itself, a text that prompts not just close reading but the pursuit of
extended intellectual and cultural implication.
How this novel (and this story) came to be is a complex tale in itself, and
it can be very briefly or quite lengthily told: there are many subtleties and
ambiguities in the process of its creation. The brief version, incomplete and
imperfect but suggestive of both the popular, potboiler appeal and the larger
seriousness of major scientific, social, literary, and philosophical issues,
involves the occasion and moment of the novel’s origin. According to its
author and to anecdotes from her companions at the time of initial
conception, (see pp. 165–70) it sprang from a proposal to engage in a storywriting contest. The situation was this. The author—later to be known as
Mary Shelley but then just eighteen years old, already the mother of two
children (one of whom had died in infancy), unmarried and still known by
her maiden name, Mary Wollstonecraft Godwin—was traveling in the Swiss
alps. Her companions were her lover and soon-to-be husband (the already
celebrated poet, Percy Bysshe Shelley, who was still married to someone
else), her infant son William, and her troubled and impulsive stepsister,
Claire Clairmont. In the late spring of 1816, they settled into a modest house
in the mountains near Geneva—and also near the villa where an even more
famous (though just as controversial) poet, Lord Byron, had settled more
luxuriously with his personal physician and companion, Dr. John William
Polidori. The two groups quickly merged and for weeks spent nearly all their
waking hours together, often sailing on Lake Geneva (see map, p. 2) by day,
and reading and conversing together in the evenings and on days when the
weather was unsettled. And it was often unsettled that summer, the coldest
and most consistently stormy European summer on record. Later, when
annual charts could be compared, 1816 became famous as “the year without a
summer.” Those conversations were apparently animated and often informed
by wide and adventurous reading—of English and ancient classics, of
scientific discovery and speculation, of British and European social politics.
Byron and Percy Shelley were the acknowledged leaders in the
conversations; they were both bold in their ideas and manner, and they were
newly friends and getting to know each other’s interests and range. Mary—
younger, rather quiet, and natively less assertive and argumentative—could
nevertheless hold her own on most topics: she was a voracious and retentive
reader. The conversations seem to have ranged widely, often guided by
individual reading and the kinds of popular topics taken up in current
periodicals. We don’t know in detail what they talked about day by day; but
there are indications that they may have debated the nature and origins of life
itself and perhaps discussed the myth of Prometheus in its several forms—
years before Percy would interpret it lengthily in Prometheus Unbound and
some while before it left its imprint as subtitle and suggestive allusion on
Mary’s first significant work.
On some of those inclement nights, they read German ghost stories. One
night in late May or early June, someone (perhaps Byron) suggested that they
engage in a ghost-story-writing contest—in competition with the stories they
were reading and with each other. The rules were loose, but the stories were
to involve the supernatural in some way. As a contest, it wasn’t much of a
success. Percy apparently lost interest quickly and Byron not long after,
though a fragment of what he wrote became attached later to one of his
poems, Mazeppa. Polidori seems to have conceived at first a strange Gothic
tale that Mary found ludicrous, though his own accounts differ from Mary’s
(see p. 169 [Polidori] and pp. 165–69 [Mary]), but then, characteristically, he
piggybacked on a Byron idea and went on to publish a vampire story under
Byron’s name. Claire Claremont seems never even to have begun her story.
The only significant result was Frankenstein, published nineteen months later
anonymously, but with broad hints that it might be by Percy Shelley or
Byron. Early reviewers assumed that it was written by a man.
Besides the competition, conversation, and human stimulation of that
summer of origins, there is also a set of creative issues involving place,
setting, and tone, a question of the influence of surroundings, location, visual
spectacle, and atmosphere. Mary seems to have been acutely responsive to
visual stimuli and especially to the influence of scenery, place-sensitivity,
climate, nature’s moods, and the breathtaking vistas of remote natural scenery
that find their way into the brooding landscapes and Gothic tones the novel
pursues and projects in its Scots and Arctic scenes as well as its more
dominant continental ones. To be sure, Mary meticulously casts these actual
settings in historical terms—she is very careful, for example, to project
Victor Frankenstein’s scientific training at Ingolstadt back into the eighteenth
century, repeatedly dating letters “17—” so as to place the action of the novel
at a time when that university not only still existed but operated as one of the
major European symbols of radical experimental science. (The university was
in fact closed by the authorities in 1800 because of its associations with the
new science and related radical ideas.) But the larger question of mood and
spectacle has less to do with probability and representation than with
projecting a sense of wonder and sometimes of impending doom. We now
know, thanks to climate scientists of the early twentieth century, what the
assembled party shivering in Switzerland could not have then even wildly
suspected—that the cold and gloomy summer of 1816 was part of a global
phenomenon, the spreading of a cloud of volcanic ash over much of Europe
and North America from a volcanic eruption in Indonesia half a year earlier
—a phenomenon that meant that significant parts of the earth were deprived
of sunshine for very long periods, so that the spectacular, sublime craggy
beauties of the lightning-illuminated Alps mixed with invasive mountain
gloom and mood-altering spells of hazy light and uncertain perception. Mary
chose well the wild and untamed mid-European setting for her tale of
discovery and uncertainty, and it was one of those strokes of creative fortune
that the Romantic taste for the picturesque, the sublime, the striking, and the
haunting led not only to recognizable actual settings but also to projected
imaginations in remote, exotic, unexplored northern climes still elusive to all
but the most daring explorers. No wonder the nearby Sea of Ice (see the cover
reproduction of an 1823–24 painting and Percy Shelley’s description on p.
299) became a kind of analogical “source” for the scenes of northern
exploration that the narrator Walton experiences at the start and end of the
novel.
II
Behind the immediate occasion and stimulation of the circumstances and
setting of Frankenstein’s origins are many cumulative situations and
experiences of Mary’s earlier life. Two sets of influences in particular can be
isolated as having a notable impact on what and how she wrote. One involves
the intensity, complexity, and volatility of family relationships in Mary’s own
life; the other involves her ambitious, adventurous, and voracious reading.
The first suggests much about the human issues and interactions that
preoccupy the themes of her novel; the second helps us define and isolate
some of the ideas and concepts behind the themes of the novel—themes that
include (among others) creativity, ambition, responsibility, duty, family,
friendship, authority, education, and social integrity.
Mary had been writing stories and poems since she was a little girl, very
much encouraged in her reading and writing by her famous father. Both her
father and mother were not only published, popular authors but celebrated
controversialists with disciples of their own; both wrote novels (among other
things) but were best known for their radical politics and libertine social
views, especially on love and marriage. The mother, Mary Wollstonecraft,
had been reared in a repressive and abusive family where girls hardly
mattered, and she became an articulate and outspoken proto-feminist whose
Thoughts on the Education of Daughters (1787) and Vindication of the Rights
of Woman (1792) were both praised and vilified, as was her novel Mary
(1790). The father, William Godwin, who had grown up in a conservative
and devout dissenting household, also rebelled against his upbringing and
became a leading radical political theorist, fiery in his rhetoric and widely
consulted and deeply involved in arguments in the aftermath of the French
Revolution. His Enquiry Concerning political Justice (1793) was a
revolutionary bible for some and an incendiary provocation for others, and
his novel, Caleb Williams (1794), was a kind of fictionalized version of his
philosophy. Godwin and Wollstonecraft were drawn together—she in her late
30s, he just over 40—by their common views and very quickly became lovers
after meeting in the winter of 1796–97; the future author of Frankenstein was
conceived shortly thereafter, and before she was born they married, much to
the consternation of some of their friends who felt they had compromised
their critique of the oppressiveness of legal institutions such as marriage. But
the marriage was short-lived, and the infant Mary was never to get to know
her mother: Mary Wollstonecraft died of childbirth complications just eleven
days after Mary was born.
Godwin was a supportive father and genuinely encouraged Mary’s
independence and creativity, but he was feckless in his own emotional and
financial affairs—seemingly always out of money and in serious debt, and
pretty much helpless in sorting out personal relationships. Not long after the
death of Mary Wollstonecraft he married again and took into his household,
with his new wife, her two illegitimate children, including a three-year-old
daughter, Claire Claremont (who eighteen years later was part of the ghoststory contest in Switzerland). And there was yet another “family” member,
Fanny Imlay, Mary Wollstonecraft’s illegitimate daughter from a previous
relationship, who had been taken into the household when Godwin and
Wollstonecraft married. Still further, in 1803 when Mary was nearly six, an
addition of the new Godwin union was born, a new half brother for Mary,
William Godwin Jr. So “family” here was a kind of loose and uncertain unit.
The new Mrs. Godwin was crude and unpredictable and offered nothing of
the intellectual stimulus of her brief predecessor. Young Mary Wollstonecraft
Godwin (she who was to become Mary Shelley) had ideas, ideals, and
aspirations to follow rather than human role models, and her childhood had
more clear intellectual directions than emotional ones. If there was a life
lesson to be learned from Mary’s growing-up years, it was about flexibility
and pragmatic responses to circumstances rather than stability and personal
security.
And the family she herself began to establish in 1814 with Percy Shelley
reflected and replicated in some ways Mary’s own childhood: boldly
dedicated to intellectual and emotional exploration and speculation,
somewhat peripatetic and unpredictable, tolerant of periodic company and
lively conversation but fundamentally sedentary and reflective. In the man
who became her lover when she was sixteen and her husband at nineteen, she
found a fearsome intellect and creative talent, an adventurous explorer both
physically and mentally, and a firm holder of lofty ideas and attitudes. His
temperament was even more complicated than that of either of her parents—
someone who could be an inspiring guide and tutor on matters of philosophy,
history, politics, and aesthetics, but whose human impulsiveness and
volatility helped settle and clarify her own greater solidity and steadier
judgment. Mary Shelley in her early adulthood and motherhood did not
always project a sense of cuddly maternity, but she was caring and patient in
her character and temperament and in some ways was to her husband as
much a steady and stable parent and counselor as she was lover and
adventurer.
Percy Shelley’s direct influence on the writing of Frankenstein is
palpable but nevertheless debatable in its precise effects and importance. In
late manuscript stages he offered alternative wordings and often rewrote
lengthy passages or created whole sentences and paragraphs that ended up in
the finished novel. (The manuscript of his emendations is preserved in Lord
Abinger’s collection [now housed at the Bodleian Library, Oxford] and has
been meticulously sorted into accessible and readable form by Charles E.
Robinson and published by the Bodleian Library in 2008.) Once it was
popular to argue that he seriously “improved” the manuscript—his word
choices were often more lofty, abstract, and consciously “literary” while
Mary’s were more simple and direct—, but critical opinion now has shifted
toward recognizing Mary’s more down-to-earth language and her ability to
enrich the directness and texture of the story more simply. Scholarly debates
about the nature of Percy’s contribution (or diminution) show every sign of
continuing briskly, and this kind of textual disagreement about influence at a
high scholarly level is part of a larger set of scholarly and critical questions
about what Mary did with her heritage from her human guides, especially her
parents and Percy Shelley. (For a useful account of Mary’s intellectual and
emotional debts, see the essay by Chris Baldick p. 173. And for a detailed
analysis of the whole Godwin-Shelley nexus, see William St. Clair’s
excellent biography of the two families, The Godwins and the Shelleys: The
Biography of a Family [London: Faber, 1989].)
One can see in the text of Frankenstein many traces of the political and
educational ideas of Percy Shelley as well as of her parents—certainly there
is constant parading and questioning of contemporary cultural and
educational assumptions and practices. But the utopian optimism that
sometimes characterizes their writings seems often in question in Mary’s
work, and in Frankenstein the issue of individual responsibility for one’s
choices is always in play; guilt plays a lot larger role in Mary’s thinking and
feeling than it does in her teachers’. A lot of theological and philosophical
issues in Frankenstein remain ambiguous and uncertain, and if “family” is a
helpful guide to the nature and range of many of the issues in the novel, the
firm predictable positions of her mother, father, and husband are not
necessarily always echoed in Mary’s own bold and open explorations of
issues about education, power, and the uses of imagination. In her adaptations
of inherited Enlightenment ideas, there is more darkness and uncertainty, a
lot more for readers to have to sort out for themselves. The many critical
disagreements that characterize the essays gathered at the back of this volume
suggest that many issues in Frankenstein remain unsettled, debatable, or
capable of fresh interpretation. Frankenstein is the kind of text that opens
outward rather than closing in upon itself.
Add one more haunting factor to Mary’s experiences of “family”:
untimely and gruesome death. Not only did her mother die in bearing Mary
herself—dramatic enough in itself to emblazon on her consciousness a
continuing emotional association of birth and death—but a number of other
deaths rudely intruded on Mary’s early life before she came to write
Frankenstein. Her first child, a daughter, was born prematurely in 1815 and
died within a few days. (And her second child—an infant when Frankenstein
was being conceived and written—died at the age of three a year after the
novel was published.) Even more hauntingly there were two dramatic
suicides in the extended family: Mary’s half sister, Fanny Imlay, took her
own life in the fall of 1816; and later that winter Percy Shelley’s first wife,
Harriet, drowned herself in the Serpentine in London; her body was not found
for weeks. And then, four years after Frankenstein was published, Percy
himself drowned in an accident in Italy. It is no wonder that vitality and its
opposites preyed on Mary’s thinking and that disaster in her novel seems to
follow from initiative and creativity.
III
Like her family relationships, Mary’s reading is a better guide to her
curiosity, topicality, and range of interests than to her own beliefs and
considered opinions or to her own comparative writing artistry. In other
words, the outreach of her reading tells us a lot about her interests and desires
but not necessarily her commitments and conclusions. Obviously, she was
guided in her early intellectual and creative choices by her parents’ directions
(and she found a mostly kindred soul in Percy Shelley); but she did not just
read authors and books she agreed with. She was driven at least as much by
curiosity about strange and unfamiliar things as by positions, outlooks, or
doctrines she found sympathetic. Several of the essays in the appendices to
this volume (see especially Richard Holmes, “Mary Shelley and the Power of
Contemporary Science” p. 183, and Christa Knell-wolf, “Geographic
Boundaries and Inner Space,” p. 506) trace the reading and thinking that went
into Frankenstein and show its implications for understanding the completed
novel. One of the most important new directions in Frankenstein scholarship
and criticism has been to search out and clarify the larger intellectual and
cultural context of Mary Shelley’s reading and bookishness. Much of the best
current work on her fiction—and on nineteenth-century literature in general
—concentrates on the intellectual history of the period and its social and
cultural manifestations—especially on developments in science, technology,
and exploration, all matters that she was passionately curious about and that
influenced the directions her artistry would take.
About Mary’s reading at some points in her life we know a great deal, for
she kept a faithful journal and a meticulous list of accomplished and
projected reading for most of her life. But the journal for the period around
Frankenstein’s composition has been lost, and so we are left to infer specific
sources of information and inspiration from the text itself. Some of these
references and allusions are simple and more or less passing glances outward,
more a matter of decoration or ornament than structural beams of support.
There are, for example, brief, relevant quotations from contemporary poetry
—by Charles Lamb, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, and Percy Shelley himself.
All these are appropriately invoked to provide comparisons of atmosphere or
tonal support, and they suggest the expansive, resonant practices of reading
nineteenth-century novels in a leisurely and outgoing way. Like her
contemporaries, Mary engaged in allusive or intertextual practices that
invited readers to notice the borrowings and celebrate their own skills of
knowing, noticing, and seeing the relevance. Quite a few such passing
allusions occur in the course of the book—and they may represent reading
done years before as well as reading undertaken during the composition
itself. (In this edition, footnotes to the Frankenstein text identify several
references and allusions that contemporary readers would have readily
recognized.)
More significant to the total effect are especially emphatic or insistently
repeated thematic underpinnings of the novel. Such, for example, are the
several quotations from Milton’s Paradise Lost (see pp. 42, 92, 95, 97, and
146), including the epigraph on the title page (photographically reproduced
on p. 3):
Did I request thee, Maker, from my clay
To mould me man? Did I solicit thee
From darkness to promote me?
This is Adam’s protest against his lot and the basic “why” question of human
existence; it connects the Creature’s puzzlement to enduring human questions
about basic meanings and origins of life. Similarly, the subtitle on the title
page—“The Modern Prometheus” recalls classical (and later) myths of
creativity and destruction. Together, the two allusions claim a firm cultural
heritage in both the Judeo-Christian and ancient classical tradition of origins
and human purpose—not necessarily claiming a belief system but ensuring
that this modern story is positioned in a revered tradition of ideas and
questions.
Similarly, in only the second paragraph into the novel, Mary Shelley has
Walton’s first letter from the beginning of his Arctic excursion speak of his
extravagant idealistic expectations for his exploratory quest. He phrases his
hopes in mythic, paradisal terms, imagining beyond the bitter cold and icelocked sea, a vision of perfection:
There, Margaret, the sun is for ever visible; its broad disk just skirting
the horizon, and diffusing a perpetual splendour. There . . . snow and
frost are banished, and, sailing over a calm sea, we may be wafted to a
land surpassing in wonders and in beauty every region hitherto
discovered on the habitable globe. Its productions and features may be
without example, as the phenomena of the heavenly bodies undoubtedly
are in those undiscovered solitudes. What may not be expected in a
country of eternal light? (p. 7).
The reference here is not to a specific text. Mary Shelley is drawing on
popular belief or at least desire—pretty much distrusted in her time but still
part of the mythic landscape of scientific possibility—that beyond the rigors
of exploration and the pursuit of geographical knowledge lay a place with
treasures of prelapsarian bliss in a perfect climate and utopian world. The
passage thus sets up the comparison between kinds of scientific quests and
dreams that later will contextualize Frankenstein’s hubris and set up the
story-within-a-story, box-within-a box structure of interlocking narratives.
Walton’s exploration of the unknown is just as wide-eyed, ambitious, and
unreliably utopian as is Frankenstein’s quest for the secret of life, and
through experiments with points of view (with Walton, Frankenstein, and the
Creature successively presenting their perspectives), we get both a shifting
sense of authority and doubts about the reliability of authority itself.
IV
The text of Frankenstein printed here is that of the 1818 first edition,
published in London in three volumes by Lackington, Hughes, Harding,
Mavor, and Jones. Only glaring typographical errors have been corrected;
otherwise the text reproduced here is that read by Frankenstein’s first readers,
except that explanatory notes have been provided with the needs of modern
students in mind. Until the late twentieth century, the tradition had been to
use the third-edition text of 1831, which Mary Shelley revised carefully—but
from a later perspective when she was considerably older and more detached
from the original conception. Scholarship now strongly prefers the first
edition; for the issues involved see the essays by M. K. Joseph on p. 170–73
and Anne K. Mellor on pp. 204–11.
A wealth of Frankenstein-related documents and interpretive materials
are appended to this edition, beginning on p. 165. They are arranged into four
sections. The first gathers a series of contemporary texts related to the
creation of the novel. Here are passages from the Book of Genesis and
Milton’s Paradise Lost as well as contemporary poems by Percy Shelley,
Byron, and Charles Lamb. The second section contains documents and texts
related to the circumstances of Frankenstein’s creation and revision,
including critical accounts of early influences on Mary’s thinking. The third
section contains responses to Frankenstein over the years, including early
reviews of the novel and accounts of later adaptations and variations.
Finally, there is an extensive collection of critical materials, suggesting a
variety of ways of reading the novel that raise all kinds of critical approaches.
As Lawrence Lipking says in one of these essays, Frankenstein “furnishes a
testing ground for every conceivable mode of interpretation” (p. 416). I have
not tried to represent every “school” of criticism in these selections, but I
have tried to choose essays that open up a wide range of readings of the
novel. Represented quite heavily are the influential essays of the 1970s and
1980s that are largely responsible for the resurgence of Frankenstein’s
popularity and importance. Later essays suggest a variety of new emphases—
especially on the history of science—that have characterized more recent
criticism.
In preparing this edition, I have been blessed over time with help and
guidance from many colleagues and correspondents. I wish especially to
acknowledge the generous sharing of work and knowledge by Sylvia
Bowerbank, Marilyn Butler, James Chandler, Lorna Clymer, Morris Eaves,
Sandra Gilbert, Susan Gubar, James Heffernan, Jerrold Hogle, Margaret
Homans, Larry Lipking, Bette London, Maureen McLane, Anne Mellor,
James Rieger, Cynthia Wall, and Elizabeth Young. Many people at W. W.
Norton have provided counsel, support, and gentle prodding: I thank John
Benedict, Barry Wade, Julia Reidhead, Donald Lamm, Alan Cameron, Carol
HollarZwick, Kate Lovelady, Marian Johnson, Rivka Genesen, Pete Simon,
and (especially) Carol Bemis. I have also been fortunate to have had research
assistants who did much valuable textual, bibliographical, and historical
digging: Jayne Greenstein, Willard White, Marianne Eismann, Erica
Zeinfeld, Josh Konkol, Annie Kinneburgh, and (especially) Will Pritchard,
who provided most of the notes and was more counsel and collaborator than
assistant.
J. Paul Hunter
September 2011
The Text of
FRANKENSTEIN
FRANKENSTEIN;
OR,
THE MODERN PROMETHEUS.1
IN THREE VOLUMES.
Did I request thee, Maker, from my clay
To mould me man? Did I solicit thee
From darkness to promote me?—
PARADISE LOST.2
__________
VOL. I.
London:
PRINTED FOR
LACKINGTON, HUGHES, HARDING, MAVOR, & JONES,
FINSBURY SQUARE.
______
1818.
1. In Greek mythology, the Titan Prometheus created humankind out of mud
and water and then stole fire from the gods to give his creation; as
punishment, Zeus chained him to a rock where an eagle pecked out his
liver. In Prometheus Unbound (1820), a poetic drama by Percy Bysshe
Shelley, Prometheus is eventually released from captivity.
2. By John Milton (1608–1674). These lines are from book X. 743–45 and
are spoken by Adam after the Fall. This epigraph appeared on the title page
for each volume.
TO
WILLIAM GODWIN,3
AUTHOR OF POLITICAL JUSTICE, CALEB
WILLIAMS, & Co.
THESE VOLUMES
Are respectfully inscribed
BY
THE AUTHOR.
3. English philosopher and author (1756–1836), husband of Mary
Wollstonecraft and father of Mary Shelley; Enquiry Concerning political
Justice (1793) was a work of political philosophy, popular in radical
circles; The Adventures of Caleb Williams (1794) was a novel.
Preface1
The event on which t
