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please ready the article I’m going to attach here including the rubric and the guid on how to do the assignment. please pay a very attention to all the details how to get all the points, as this is the most important project the class. With APA citation. please not there should be no plagiarism.
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NUR 5040 (Human Diversity/Transcultural Nursing)
Mini-Ethnonursing Research Project Rubric
Category
Exemplary
10 Points
Accomplished
9 Points
Developing
8 Points
Quality of Research
and Citations
included within the
last 5 years (2019
and onward)
Research is in-depth
with new insights
gained and information
supports all elements
of the project without
exceeding the
maximum of 8 pages.
Cited at least 3 peerreviewed articles.
Research is of sufficient
depth and information
supports most of the
elements of the project,
and/or Has exceeded the
maximum number of
pages up to 2, and/or
Cited only 2 peerreviewed articles.
8 Points
7 Points
Research is minimal in
depth and information
merely supports the
elements of the
project, and/or Has
exceeded the
maximum number of
pages 3 or more,
and/or Cited only 1
peer-reviewed article.
6 Points
Organizational
Content
Showed clarity and
effective organization
of thoughts and
perspectives
throughout the
research paper.
Showed clarity and
effective organization of
thoughts and
perspectives in most
parts of the research
paper.
Showed clarity and
organization of
thoughts and
perspectives in some
parts of the research
paper.
7 Points
6 Points
5 Points
Grammar, Spelling,
& Punctuation
Errors;
APA formatting
(current edition) of
Title Page and
References Page
No grammatical,
punctuation, or spelling
errors and/or
Title page & References
page with no APA
formatting errors
Has 1-4 grammatical,
punctuation or spelling
errors and/or
Title page and/or
References page with 1-4
APA formatting errors
Has 5 or more
grammatical,
punctuation, or spelling
errors and/or
Title page and/or
References page with 5
or more APA
formatting errors
3 Points
5 Points
Timely Submission
On time
4 Points
Late up to one day
Total Points: 30 points
Comments:
Bdoh: Fall 2019/Spring 2020/Fall 2020/Summer 2021
Revised: Fall 2021, Fall 2022, Spring 2024
Late by two or more
days
Score
Bdoh: Fall 2019/Spring 2020/Fall 2020/Summer 2021
Revised: Fall 2021, Fall 2022, Spring 2024
Historical Development of the Ethnonursing Research Method
In this chapter, the authors present the historical development, purpose,
rationale, and philosophy of the ethnonursing research method. Specific
features of the method are addressed along with the research process, as well
as principles for evaluating qualitative research findings and other aspects
of the method. The chapter serves as a background framework for several
research studies that follow and demonstrate the use of the method with
the culture care theory.
Copyright 2015. Jones & Bartlett Learning.
All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
DEFINITION
The ethnonursing method is a qualitative nursing research method focused
on naturalistic, open discovery, and largely inductive [emic] modes and processes with diverse strategies, techniques, and enabling guides to document,
describe, explain, and interpret people’s worldview, meanings, experiences,
symbols, life experiences, and other related aspects as they bear on actual
or potential nursing care phenomena (Leininger, 1978, 1985b, 1991a, 1995,
2002, 2006a). This method is valuable for discovering both emic (generic,
folk) and etic (professional) data. It is a natural and familiar people-centered
method that informants enjoy—finding the open and informal discovery
process comfortable and natural. Researchers conducting a study using
the ethnonursing methodology incorporate diverse strategies and enablers
to document, describe, and understand people’s experiences as well as care
meanings and symbols related to their care, health, and cultural beliefs,
values, and lifeways (Leininger, 2005).
HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE
ETHNONURSING RESEARCH METHOD
Ethnonursing is the first nursing research method developed specifically to fit a nursing theory (Shapiro, Miller, & White, 2006). Although
developed specifically for nursing, both the theory and the method were
envisioned by Leininger for use by other healthcare fields as well as nursing (Leininger, 2006a, 2006b). However, while most ethnonursing research
conducted to date involves nursing, culture care research guided by the
CCT and ethnonursing research method continues to be encouraged
within and across healthcare disciplines such as physical, occupational,
and speech therapy; social work; pharmacy; medicine; and other fields that
aim to provide optimal culturally congruent and sensitive health outcomes
(McFarland, Mixer, Wehbe-Alamah, & Burke, 2012).
It was in the 1950s that Leininger realized the need for a theory and
research method focused on discovery of care and health needs of diverse
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Chapter 2: The Ethnonursing Research Method
cultures—two major and significant phenomena in nursing that lacked formal and systematic study (Leininger, 1997a). At that time, nurse-researchers
often borrowed quantitative research methods and tools from other disciplines to investigate nursing phenomena. Leininger developed the culture
care theory and the ethnonursing research method in the early 1960s to
address the need for a people- and culture-centered approach to discover
transcultural nursing phenomena from a qualitative perspective (Leininger,
2002; Shapiro et al., 2006, as cited by Leininger, 1991b).
Leininger began conceptualizing the culture care theory and ethnonursing research method while observing children of diverse cultural backgrounds in a mental health setting and while conducting a study of the
Gadsup Akuna of New Guinea (Figure 2-1) for her anthropology PhD study.
The evolution of both theory and method is documented in Leininger’s
numerous publications, beginning with her work in nursing and anthropology (Leininger, 1970; McFarland et al., 2012) and culminating with this
third edition of her culture care theory book. The Leininger Collections
at Wayne State University (Detroit, Michigan) and Archives of Caring in
Nursing, Christine E. Lynn College of Nursing, Florida Atlantic University
(Boca Raton, Florida) provide interested readers with numerous resources
Figure 2-1 Dr. Leininger with Gadsup children in 1977.
Source: The Madeleine M. Leininger Collection on Human Caring and Transcultural Nursing,
ARC-008, Photo 2013-01, Archives of Caring in Nursing, Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton,
Florida.
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Historical Development of the Ethnonursing Research Method
that showcase earlier versions and consequent refinement of the culture
care theory and the ethnonursing research method. A brief review of earlier
papers and publications of Leininger’s work revealed that as she developed
the ethnonursing research method, the theorist was greatly inspired by ethnomethods used in anthropology, including ethnoscience and ethnography
(Leininger, 1985c, 1994).
Purpose
The central purpose of the ethnonursing research method is to establish a
naturalistic and largely emic open inquiry discovery method to explicate and
study nursing phenomena related to the Theory of Culture Care Diversity
and Universality. This research method was designed to tease out complex,
elusive, and largely unknown or vaguely known nursing dimensions from
people’s local viewpoints, such as human care, wellbeing, health, and environmental influencers, as well as noncaring practices potentially leading to
illness, disability, or death (Leininger, 2006b). The goal of the ethnonursing
research method is to discover culture-specific beliefs, values, expressions,
lifeways, and emic worldviews in order to offer culturally congruent care
to individuals, families, communities, and organizations through cultural
care decisions and actions.
Rationale
In the 1950s and 1960s, Leininger had already identified human care as
central to nursing, and recognized a critical need to discover the meanings,
expressions, patterns, functions, and structure of human care and caring.
She strongly believed that without such knowledge, nursing could not
support or justify its existence as a profession or a discipline. How people
knew and experienced human care was, in her opinion, essential for nurses
to describe, document, and explain so that this knowledge could ultimately
guide nursing practices. Leininger held that nurses needed research methods to establish the scientific, humanistic, epistemic, and ontologic bases
for nursing’s unique discipline perspectives especially focused on human
care (Leininger, 1969). She viewed the practice of borrowing research methods from different disciplines to study human caring from a transcultural
perspective as highly inadequate. Leininger maintained that the quantitative methods heavily used by the scientific community at the time provided
only a limited understanding of human care and nursing care meanings,
practices, and processes, and lacked the openness needed to examine subjective, intersubjective, spiritual, or supernatural experiences as well as the
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Chapter 2: The Ethnonursing Research Method
caring experiences lived by cultures. She identified the need for a nursing
research method that would enable researchers to fully discover, understand, and explain the nature, essence, and characteristics of human care
and of actual or perceived nursing phenomena (Leininger, 2006b).
The ethnonursing research method was conceived and developed to overcome the limitations and philosophical tenets of logical positivism, the use
of the prevailing scientific method, and other conventional features and
goals of the quantitative paradigm to study nursing phenomena. Nursing
was different from many established disciplines and its researchers needed
better ways to discover its distinctive body of care knowledge. Thus, the
ethnonursing method was viewed as the answer to discover the true essence,
nature, patterns, and expressions of human care among others to advance
nursing care knowledge (Leininger, 1969, 1978, 1981, 1984, 2006b).
From an anthropological perspective, Leininger realized that care was
embedded in the worldview, social structure, and cultural values of a particular culture. She maintained that revealing undiscovered care phenomena
required an inductive and open inquiry research method that was familiar
to human groups and would permit people to share their ideas about care in
a spontaneous and informative way with nurse-researchers. Such a research
method would assist nurse-researchers to discover, document, preserve, and
accurately interpret care meanings and experiences of different cultural
groups, and would help nurses fully understand the many elusive, culturespecific, and unknown ideas about human care and caring. The idea of
an ethnonursing research method that was people-centered rather than
researcher-centered seemed necessary to know human care and its influence
on the health and wellbeing of people from different cultures in the world.
The ethnonursing inductive and naturalistic research method was needed
to discover the nature, essence, and distinguishing features of human care
in different life contexts and cultures (Leininger, 2006b).
Another major reason to establish the ethnonursing research method
was interest in discovering differences between generic or native folk (naturalistic) care—informally learned indigenous knowledge—and professional
nursing care—learned through formal educational systems in nursing—
among different cultures. In the early 1960s, during her field study with the
Gadsup of the Eastern Highlands of New Guinea, Leininger realized that
discovering generic or naturalistic care was essential to know and to use in
developing meaningful, congruent, and acceptable professional nursing
care practices (Leininger, 1966). However, generic care was unknown and
had not been considered for systematic discovery in professional nursing
prior to the 1960s. Leininger predicted that differences between generic and
professional care existed, but a research method was needed to uncover the
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Major Features
subtle and elusive aspects of these sources of care (Leininger, 1970, 1976,
1978, 1981, 2006b).
In the late 1950s, Leininger ran across Pike’s (1954) use of the terms emic
and etic in linguistic studies and thought that they would be most helpful
to explicate and understand human care from a transcultural perspective.
These terms were unknown in nursing at the time, and had not been used in
anthropological field research. According to Pike, emic referred to the local
informant’s or insider’s views of people, whereas etic referred to the outsider’s views of a culture. Leininger incorporated these concepts in her study
with the Gadsup Akuna of New Guinea and found they greatly helped to
reveal the meanings of ideas regarding the values, beliefs, norms, rituals,
and symbols of care, health, and illness (Leininger, 1966, 1970, 2006b). She
came to the conclusion that the emic view was needed to discover human
care with other cultures regarding their history, social structure, environment, biological, ecological, and many other factors. Etic knowledge about
professional nursing views was also needed to obtain a full understanding
about human caring or care. As a result, Leininger incorporated emic, etic,
generic, and professional care concepts in her developing ethnonursing
research method to study care and other nursing phenomena.
MAJOR FEATURES
The ethnonursing research method, conceptualized from a nursing perspective, was the first qualitative research method developed to study nursing phenomena (Leininger, 1978, 1985a, 1987, 1991a, 2006b). The prefix
ethno- was chosen to refer to people or a particular culture with a focus on their
worldview, ideas, and cultural practices related to nursing phenomena.
Ethnonursing was developed as a research method to help nurses systematically document and gain greater understanding of the meaning of the
people’s daily life experiences related to human care, health, and wellbeing
in different or similar environmental contexts (Leininger, 1980, 1985a,
1987, 1991a, 2006b).
Leininger’s anthropological experiences with ethnography, ethnoscience, and ethnology in the early 1960s provided some rich insights into
ways to study people and a basis to develop the ethnonursing method.
People-centered research with an emic focus required a friendly naturalistic
approach that permitted people to share their ideas, beliefs, and experiences with researchers or investigators who were unknown to the people
being studied. It also was clear that the goals, purposes, and phenomena of
anthropological research were different from those of nursing. As a result,
the ethnonursing method was focused on the discovery of nursing’s central
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interests or phenomena within the scope of human caring. New holistic
(biophysical and psychocultural) insights and care perspectives from diverse
cultures were needed to establish professional nursing within a discipline
that is both humanistic and scientific (Leininger, 1978, 1985b, 1991a).
Establishing the ethnonursing research method required an approach
radically different from the traditional quantitative paradigm (Leininger,
1985b). In the early 1960s, while the qualitative and quantitative paradigms
and their features were largely unknown to nurses, their attributes were
becoming identifiable. The ethnonursing method was designed to discover
how things really were and the way people knew and lived in their world.
The method focused on learning from the people through their eyes, ears,
and experiences and how they made sense out of situations and lifeways
that were familiar to them. The method required direct naturalistic observations, participant experiences, reflections, and checking back with the
people to understand what the researcher observed, heard, or experienced.
It required that the ethnonurse-researcher enter into a largely unknown
world, remaining with the people of concern for an extended time, to learn
firsthand meaningful constructions specific to the natural context or lived
environment of people. It meant that the realities of individuals, families,
groups, organizations, or communities were developed over time by enculturation or socialization processes and influenced by a variety of cultural
and environmental factors.
With the ethnonursing method, there were no a priori judgments, scientific hypotheses, or testing of the researcher’s interests or variables; instead,
the researcher had to suspend or withhold fixed judgments and predetermined truths to let the people’s ideas come forth and be discovered and
documented (Leininger, 1985a, 1987, 2006b). Exploring the informants’
world to discover vaguely known or unknown ideas about human care and
other nursing phenomena was a dominant focus. The researcher had to be
sensitive and responsive to people’s ideas and to interpret ideas that give
meaning to the informants’ views and cultural lifeways about human care
or noncaring, along with the factors influencing the phenomena discovered.
Beginning in the mid-1950s, Leininger perceived care as the essence
of nursing, which distinguished nursing from other health professions
(Leininger, 1967, 1970, 1976, 1980, 1984). However, she also realized that
human care required systematic investigation with a method appropriate to
discover the full subjective and objective human meanings, patterns, and values of care in different cultures. Because nurses claimed to care for all people,
a research method was needed to discover what was universal or diverse
about human care transculturally. Generic- or people-based care could only
be fully known by studying care from people in their natural contexts such as
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Major Features
the home, workplace, or wherever people lived and functioned each day and
night, and in different cultures. Thus, the ethnonursing method functioned
as a means to obtain new foundational or substantive nursing knowledge to
establish human care as the discipline’s knowledge base and to guide nursing
care decisions and actions in professional practices.
In the early 1960s, Leininger realized that care, wellbeing, health, illness,
and other related aspects of nursing were largely embedded in worldview
and complex social structure factors related to kinship, cultural values, religion, environment, politics, economy, education, technology, and language
expressions. These dimensions had to be explicated and fully known in nursing. To obtain care knowledge from such broad dimensions of social structure and other factors required an inductive ethnonursing approach to grasp
the totality of cultural care and to ultimately establish holistic nursing care
practices over those traditionally derived from the fragmented, ethnocentric,
predetermined, disease, and symptom medical model then in use (Leininger,
1978, 1980, 2006b). The ethnonursing method, combined within the tenets
of the culture care theory, provided the broadest and most comprehensive
holistic means to discover care and related nursing knowledge.
Leininger began developing and refining the ethnonursing research
method largely from her ongoing research experiences and with graduate
students whom she encouraged to study care from a transcultural nursing
viewpoint. It is of historical interest to note that the method was initially
conceptualized before she went to the Eastern Highlands of New Guinea.
Leininger maintained that she developed the earlier versions of some of
her enablers, such as the Stranger–Friend Enabler and the Observation–
Participation–Reflection Enabler (discussed in Leininger’s Enablers for Use
with the Ethnonursing Research Method chapter), in preparation for her study
with the Akuna and Arona people of New Guinea (2006b):
These enablers helped guide me in entering and remaining with the
people to study their lifeways in relation to nursing care phenomena in
a systematic and reflective way. The Stranger–Friend Model became an
important part of the ethnonursing method and has been an essential
guide for the researcher to obtain accurate and credible data. It was
a fascinating and rewarding research experience to discover rich and
meaningful data by entering the people’s world as a co-participant. I
soon realized that the ethnonursing method was important to discover
caring ways of feeding infants, dealing with pain and anxiety, supporting people in lifecycle events and crises, finding different ways to help
people, and instructing people to maintain their wellbeing. (Leininger,
2006b, p. 50)
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In Leininger’s view, nurse-researchers who were firmly entrenched within
logical positivism and the quantitative scientific methods in the 1950s
and 1960s regarded the ethnonursing qualitative method as too soft. It did
not have measurable and statistical outcomes, as required by the received
view of the logical positivists (Carter, 1985; Leininger, 1985a, 1987, 1991a;
Watson, 1985). Moreover, the idea of nursing developing its own method to
study nursing phenomena was not acceptable in those early days. Nursing
as a profession was then trying to become “scientific” by joining the league
of other “hard-core” quantitative scientists and emulating their ways.
Epistemic and Philosophical Values That
Support the Ethnonursing Method
Philosophically, the term ethnonursing was purposefully coined for this
research method because ethno comes from the Greek word ethos and refers
to the people or culture with their lifeways. The suffix nursing was essential to
focus the research on nursing’s phenomena concerned primarily with the
humanistic and scientific aspects of human care, wellbeing, and health in
different environmental and cultural contexts (Leininger, 1978, 1980, 1984,
1985a, 1988, 2006b). The ethnonursing research method was designed to
discover how people knew and experienced these major but insufficiently
explored areas of nursing phenomena from a transcultural context and perspective in relation to the Theory of Culture Care Diversity and Universality.
Discovering such a potentially large base of nursing knowledge, Leininger
thought, would provide the epistemic, historic, and ontological roots as
well as contemporary sources of nursing’s discipline knowledge (Leininger,
1980, 1984, 1991a).
Philosophically and epistemologically, the sources of ethnonursing
knowledge were held to be grounded with the people as the knowers about
human care and other nursing knowledge. It was the ethnonurse-researcher’s
task to learn from the people nursing phenomena and the factors influencing care and health from the local knowers’ viewpoints and daily and
nightly lived experiences. The knowers were teachers who could share their
experiences, insights, and other knowledge of interest with the researcher.
Grounded data discoveries had long been part of ethnographic methods as
a way of knowing and generating theoretical data, at least since the early
creative work of Bronislaw Malinowski (1922) with the Trobrianders in the
mid-19th century and Franz Boas (1924) and his detailed work with the
North American Indians (Leininger, 1991b). These pioneers established the
idea of grounded, detailed, and epistemic sources of knowledge from the people long before the work of Glaser and Strauss (1967, as cited by Leininger,
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Major Features
1991b) and other later qualitative methodologists. While the ethnonursing
method aims to discover full, rich data directly from people about human
care and related nursing phenomena, it uses both emic (local) and etic
(nonlocal) methods to obtain a more complete understanding of the phenomena of interest to nursing. This philosophical posture—namely, that
indigenous or local people are able to cognitively describe, know, explain,
interpret, and even predict human care patterns—was an entirely new perspective to nurses in the 1960s. Leininger (2006a, 2006b) affirmed that a
combination of professional and indigenous (generic) knowledge is needed
to guide culturally congruent nursing decisions and actions.
The ethnonursing method, therefore, was a way of discovering, knowing,
and confirming people’s knowledge about care, and ways to keep well, or
how they become ill or disabled. For the ethnonurse-researcher, the challenge was to be an interested friend of the people and to participate with
them in discovering their past and current cultural beliefs, values, and ideas
about human care, health, wellbeing, and other nursing dimensions. The
ethnonurse-researcher had to develop skills in teasing out or explicating
the people’s ideas about human care meanings, expressions, forms, patterns, and general care experiences as lived. This required the use of relaxed,
open-ended inquiry modes approached in nonaggressive or nonconfrontational ways. It also required a genuinely interested mode of listening to
and confirming informants’ ideas. This approach was held to be essential
for informants to become the primary sharers and definers of ideas in discussion with the researcher which could ensure accurate and meaningful
interpretation of those ideas. Being a humble and open learner is vital to
this research method. In addition, keeping an open mind and suspending
personal beliefs, past professional experiences, and research experiences are
essential attributes of the method and philosophy.
When launched in the early 1960s, the ethnonursing research method
was presented with several general philosophical and research features to
study ideas related to the Theory of Culture Care Diversity and Universality
(Leininger, 1966, 1970, 1978, 1985b, 1987, 1991a, 2006b). First, the method
required the researcher to move into familiar and naturalistic people-centered
settings to study human care and related nursing phenomena. The use of
contrived or artificially controlled settings was not acceptable to obtain
credible and accurate people-based data. Likewise, a tightly or rigidly controlled research design was not desired; instead, the nurse-researcher was
expected to move with the local people or situation as the informants told their
past or present stories, events, or lived experiences. The researcher was challenged to enter the emic or local world and to gradually become an active
and genuinely interested learner. The ethnonursing method guided the
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Chapter 2: The Ethnonursing Research Method
researcher to move with the people or local informants in their lifeways
and their patterns of knowing and sharing ideas bearing on human caring
within their local environmental context, human ecology, or framework.
Second, by necessity, the ethnonursing method reflected detailed observations, reflections, descriptions, participant experiences, and data derived
from largely unstructured open-ended inquiries, or from enabler strategies.
Open statements such as “What can you tell me about your views, ideas,
or experiences about caring for others or self, in this setting or culture?”
are used (Leininger, 1985a, 1987, 1991a). An open-ended question framing such as “I would appreciate it if you would tell me more about. . .”
[whatever is being shared] is also used. In addition, emic local folktales,
stories, or spontaneous narratives are elicited as well as etic ones to show
any contrasts and similarities. Many additional examples of inquiry modes
are given in other works (Leininger, 1984, 1985a; Wehbe-Alamah, 2008;
Wenger, 1985, as cited in Leininger, 1991b). In addition, learning to enter
into a strange world requires some willingness to risk uncertainties and
to become comfortable with strangers. It means developing skills to be
an astute observer, listener, reflector, and accurate interpreter by taking
a learner’s role in the most naturally possible way. Being able to tolerate
highly ambiguous, uncertain, subjective, or vaguely known complex sets
of ideas requires patience, time, and genuine interest in others as essential
features of the ethnonursing method.
Third, the ethnonursing method requires that the researcher’s biases,
prejudices, opinions, and pre-professional interpretations be withheld, suspended, or controlled so that informants can present their emic ideas and
interpretations rather than those of the researcher. Learning to value and
respect the people’s views and experiences when well, sick, with a disability,
oppressed, dying, or whatever human condition they are experiencing is an
important skill with the method. Being cognizant of the researcher’s views
and any prejudices requires centering on the informant, active listening,
and self-reflection, often with a research mentor. Informants can share
ideas that make sense to them and are important to them whether ill or
well. Avoiding an interpretation of the informant’s ideas to fit professional
knowledge and expectations is important. As such, research mentors prepared in the method are extremely valuable for the conduct of this method.
Experienced ethnonurse-researchers who have lived through and used the
method can deal with novice researchers’ tendencies related to ethnocentrism, biases, prejudice, and reinterpretation and assist them in obtaining
accurate and credible ethnonursing knowledge. Mentors (preferably with
certification as an advanced transcultural nurse) experienced in the ethnonursing method are extremely important to assess ethical and moral issues
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Major Features
related to informant “secrets,” confidentiality, the process of obtaining
consent, and recording of detailed people data. They are especially useful
in teasing out generic and professional care findings from large volumes of
qualitative data and in analyzing all data collected.
Fourth, the ethnonursing method requires that the researcher focus on
the cultural context of whatever phenomena are being studied. The cultural
context refers to the totality of the situation or lifeway at hand (Leininger,
1970, 1987, 1991a). The discovery and full understanding of cultural context requires an examination of both contemporary and ethnohistorical
underpinnings. Grasping the full meaning of cultural context means examining historical, biosocial, cultural values, language expressions, technology, material, and symbolic referents in the environment of the people
being studied. Any removal of cultural contextual data, or “surgical pruning,” can markedly reduce the credibility, accuracy, and meaning of what
was seen, heard, or experienced. The qualitative criterion of meaning-incontext emphasizes the importance of describing and detailing diverse
factors impinging on the meanings of human care, health, or wellbeing of
cultures. Indeed, inclusion of cultural context remains an essential aspect of
ethnonursing research. Contextual data also provide thick descriptions to
establish the study’s credibility. Thick descriptions about human care with
multiple external or internal cultural factors, symbols, and beliefs help the
researcher identify embedded “truths” about human care, wellbeing, and
the lifeways of the people. However, teasing out contextual data from the
social structure and worldview takes time, patience, and cultural sensitivity.
Encouraging the people themselves to come forth and take control of
their knowledge and experiences by sharing their emic cultural viewpoints,
values, and lifeways is important. The inductive emic approach helps to
prevent researchers from using preconceived judgments or a prior
